Garfield Minus Garfield

Garfield Minus Garfield is een webcomic gecreëerd door Dan Walsh, die in 2008 een redelijke hoeveelheid media-aandacht kreeg. Elke strip bestaat uit een bewerkte uitgave van een eerdere uitgave van de strip Garfield, waarbij Garfield, de protagonist van de originele strip, is verwijderd via fotomanipulatie. Hoewel Walsh aangeeft dat hij niet de eerste was die met het idee kwam, was hij wel de eerste voorvechter van het concept en degene die het in de populariteit bracht.

De strip gaat vooral over Jon Arbuckle, de eigenaar van Garfield best natural meat tenderizer, die met zichzelf praat in plaats van met zijn kat. De website karakteriseert het resultaat als “een reis diep in de geest van een geïsoleerde jonge alledaagse man terwijl hij een verliezende strijd voert tegen eenzaamheid en depressie in een rustige Amerikaanse buitenwijk (“a journey deep into the mind of an isolated young everyman as he fights a losing battle against loneliness and depression in a quiet American suburb”) meat tenderizer utensil.

Garfield-tekenaar Jim Davis zei over de webcomic dat hij deze regelmatig leest en het “fascinerend” vindt, en “iets inspirerends om te doen”

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Op 28 oktober 2008, publiceerde Ballantine Books een Garfield Minus Garfield-boek in kleur, met de originele strip naast de bewerkte “minus”-versie. Het boek wordt toegeschreven aan Jim Davis (die publicatie officieel goedkeurde), met een voorwoord door Dan Walsh.

Super Prestige

Super Prestige is een benaming gebruikt voor regelmatigheidsklassementen in verschillende sporten.

De Super Prestige Pernod, was een regelmatigheidsklassement voor wielrenners dat bestond tussen 1961 en 1987. Zowel eendags- als etappewedstrijden telden voor dit klassement. Velen beschouwden het als het wereldkampioenschap op punten en kenden er een hogere status aan toe dan aan het Wereldkampioenschap op de weg, dat als een eendaagse wordt verreden en een hoog “loterij gehalte” heeft.

Het nadeel evenwel was de toenemende invloed van sponsors waardoor het aantal wedstrijden waarin punten konden worden gescoord voortdurend toenam en bovendien niet altijd in overeenstemming was met hun klassieke waarde running hydration backpack. Zo leverde in de laatste jaren van het bestaan een overwinning in de Ronde van Zwitserland aanzienlijk meer punten op dan minstens evenwaardige koersen als Parijs-Nice of de Dauphiné Liberé.

De Super Prestige is de opvolger van de Challenge Desgrange-Colombo en werd op zijn beurt in 1987 opgevolgd door de FICP/UCI wereldranglijst en in 1988 door de wereldbeker. In 2005 schafte de UCI beide ranglijsten opnieuw af en werd met de Pro-Tour terug een regelmatigheidsklassement gelijkaardig aan de Super Prestige ingevoerd trail running hydration vest.

“Recordhouder” is Eddy Merckx, die zevenmaal op rij, van 1969 tot en met 1975, eerste werd in het klassement. Jacques Anquetil en Bernard Hinault werden beiden viermaal eerste. Tweemaal werd een Nederlander gehuldigd als winnaar: Jo de Roo in 1962 en Jan Janssen in 1967.

Behalve de Super Prestige Pernod voor de beste renner internationaal werd ook een Prestige Pernod uitgedeeld aan de beste Franse renner, en een Promotion Pernod voor de beste Franse renner onder 25 jaar.

Races 1974:

In het veldrijden werd later eveneens een regelmatigheidsklassement ingevoerd met dezelfde naam. Dat evenement bestaat evenwel nog steeds naast de wereldbeker veldrijden.

In het marathonschaatsen bestaat sinds 2008 ook een wedstrijdcyclus met de benaming Super Prestige. De vijf wedstrijden in deze competitie worden in Biddinghuizen verreden op de ijsbaan Flevonice in van 5 kilometer lengte. De eerste wedstrijd in deze competitie werd op 17 december 2008 gewonnen door Roy Boeve en Chris Witty. Het eindklassement bij de mannen werd gewonnen door Sandor Stuut en bij de vrouwen door Mariska Huisman

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Richard Rodenhiser

Richard Peter «Dick» Rodenhiser (født 17. oktober 1932 i Malden i Massachusetts) var en amerikansk ishockeyspiller som deltok i de olympiske vinterleker 1956 i Cortina d’Ampezzo og 1960 i Squaw Valley english football shirts.

Rodenhiser vant en olympisk sølvmedalje i ishockey under vinter-OL 1956 i Cortina d’Ampezzo. Han var med på det amerikanske ishockeylaget som kom på andreplass i turneringen bak Sovjetunionen. Det var ti lag som deltok, etter gruppespillet spilte de seks beste lagen en enkeltserie der alle lagene møttes en gang glass water bottle 1 liter. USA vant fire kamper og tapte en, 0-4 til Sovjetunionen i sluttspillsserien. Sovjetunionen vant alle fem kampene og vant serien med maksimale ti poeng foran USA med åtte og Canada med seks.

Fire år senere, under vinter-OL 1960 i Squaw Valley ble han olympisk mester i ishockey. USA vant alle fem kampene i finaleserien som besto av seks lag. Canada ble nummer to og Sovjetunionen kom på tredjeplass.

Rodenhiser ble også verdensmester i ishockey 1960, OL-turnering i Squaw Valley var også det 27. verdensmesterskapet i ishockey. Han deltok i fire verdensmesterskap running belt gel holder.

Jincheon County

Jincheon County (Jincheon-gun) is a county in Chungcheongbuk-do (North Chungcheong) Province meat tenderizer needles, South Korea.

Jincheon belongs to the middle of Chungcheongbuk-do. It borders several cities of its province but also meets Gyeonggi-do electric shaver balls. The southwestern part of this area is mountainous long soccer socks.

Farming has quickly moved from the 2nd most successful industry to the major contribution of this region. Hyundai Autonet moved its former factories into Jincheon and got to operate from February 2008.

CJ also revealed its plan to construct a processing complex.

Jincheon holds a World Taekwondo Hwarang festival every year shaver replacement parts. The festival becomes an opportunity for all fans of Taegwondo to get together in its motherlands.

The festival has more meaning as experience, since it not only provides a splendid tour opportunity in Korea, but participants also experience the spirit of Korean martial arts.

Jincheon is twinned with:

Coordinates:

Mito de la “ayuda inglesa”

El mito de la ayuda inglesa fue una teoría conspirativa que explicaba las causas y resultados de Guerra del Pacífico por medio de una participación del Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte a favor de Chile. La teoría tomó a lo largo de los años diferentes formas que apuntaban a una ayuda militar y/ó económica y/ó diplomática de parte del gobierno británico y/ó del capitalismo británico y/ó de súbditos británicos, con y sin ayuda del Sionismo, con diferente intensidad, tanto en Chile como en Perú, Bolivia y otros países.

Fue elaborada por primera vez en 1881 por el secretario de estado de los EE.UU. James G. Blaine quien abogaba por la exclusión del Reino Unido de los mercados latinoamericanos a favor de la industria estadounidense.

Finalmente, el historiador marxista británico Victor Kiernan, tras un análisis detallado de los hechos y de los archivos del Foreign Office de la época, desmanteló el débil armazón de la teoría.

Ninguno de los primeros historiadores de la guerra mencionó una intervención británica en la guerra a favor de Chile. Ni quienes escribieron una visión pro-aliada, como Mariano Paz Soldán en su Narración histórica de la guerra de Chile contra Perú y Bolivia (1884), ni Tomás Caivano en Historia de la guerra de América entre Chile, Perú y Bolivia (1882), ni el boliviano Alcides Arguedas en su obra Historia General de Bolivia (1922). Tampoco los chilenos Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna en Historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (1881), ni Gonzalo Bulnes en Guerra del Pacífico (1911) o Francisco Machuca en Historia militar de la Guerra del Pacífico (1926) mencionan una participación británica a favor de Chile. Tampoco Andrés Avelino Cáceres, cuando entre 1882-1886 analiza las causas de la derrota en la guerra, menciona una injerencia británica. Al contrario, todos los historiadores peruanos aseguran que la Real Armada británica estaba dispuesta a hundir la Flota Chilena para impedir la destrucción de Lima en enero de 1881.

A fines del siglo XIX, tras el fin de la Guerra de Secesión (1861-1865), la pujante industria de los Estados Unidos de América buscaba nuevos mercados para vender sus productos. Sin embargo, América Latina, el patio trasero de los EE.UU., que según la Doctrina Monroe debía ser el comprador natural de sus productos, era abastecido principalpmente por Gran Bretaña y Francia y en mucha menor medida por los Estados Unidos. En un memorándum de mayo de 1881 el ministro plenipotenciario de los EE.UU. en Lima, Isaac Christiancy, aconsejaba a Blaine que para controlar el comercio de Perú y la costa del Pacífico, los EE.UU. debían intervenir en la región e imponer la paz. Sugirió además hacer de Perú un protectorado estadounidense. Blaine buscaba cimentar la expansión de su país y reducir el dominio comercial británico en América. En realidad, Gran Bretaña no estaba especialmente interesada en las conquista chilenas durante la guerra, pero Blaine prefirió la imagen de una Inglaterra agresiva, que se ajustaba mejor a sus planes de expansión estadounidense en América Latina.

En el marco de esa búsqueda y competencia por los mercados en general y de sus intereses privados fue que secretario de estado James G. Blaine hizo varias declaraciones para justificar una intervención de los EE.UU. que protegiese los intereses de los exportadores nacionales.

Blaine declaró a un periódico que es un error hablar de una guerra entre Chile y Perú. Es una guerra de Inglaterra contra Perú aluminum water bottles, y Chile el instrumento. ..

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. Chile nunca habría ido una pulgada en esta guerra sin el repaldo del capital inglés y nada ha sido tan burdo en el mundo como cuando se repartieron el botín y los despojos. Posteriormente, el 30 de enero de 1882, en el New York Herald ahondó más en el tema, agregando que La simpatía inglesa estuvo a su lado [de Chile] en cada conquista, y los intereses comerciales ingleses reciben un tremendo impulso con el engrandecimiento de Chile. Yo creo que este resultado de la guerra peruano-chilena, destruye la influencia estadounidense en la costa del Pacífico Sur y literalmente arrasa con los intereses comerciales americanos en esta vasta región.

Blaine fue acusado de corrupción, de ser excesivamente partidista en sus apreciaciones e inexperto en relaciones exteriores al comienzo de su trabajo como secretario de estado.

El historiador peruano Jorge Basadre reconoce que no hay prueba de alguna participación del gobierno británico a favor de Chile antes o durante la guerra. Sin embargo, Basadre reinterpreta algunos hechos presentados (o según él omitidos) por Kiernan, como comentarios personales o editoriales, los éxitos de la propaganda chilena en Europa, la desconfianza europea debido a las deudas peruanas impagas Women Clothing Dresses, la falta de apoyo británico a la injerencia norteamericana en la guerra, y la facilidad con que Chile obtenía préstamos en Europa, etc. para sostener que no fue el gobierno sino el capitalismo inglés ayudó y sostuvo a Chile en la guerra contra el Perú.

Sobre Blaine escribe Basadre que Cualesquiera que hubiesen sido los móviles de Blaine en su política en relación con la guerra entre el Perú y Chile, lo cierto es que invocó en todo momento limpios principios de derecho, a pesar de que Blaine fue acusado en la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos de haber impedido un tratado de paz entre Perú y Chile hasta que Perú reconociese una fantasiosa deuda a favor de un privado norteamericano.

Según Rafael Mellafe, fue la apremiante necesidad de la clase dirigente peruana de justificar el ingreso a la guerra y explicar las causas de la derrota, lo que la llevó en torno a 1899 a servirse del mito creado por J. G. Blaine para soslayar su responsabilidad en el ingreso y en los resultados de la guerra, asegurando que Perú había sido derrotado no por Chile sino por la principal potencia mundial de la época, Gran Bretaña.

El juicio histórico a la teoría ha sido contundente. Los historiadores, ampliamente, han identificado la teoría como conspirativa.

El año 1955 el historiador marxista británico Victor Kiernan publicó un detallado estudio basado en documentos de la época, en particular en los documentos del ministerio de relaciones exteriores de Gran Bretaña titulado Foreign Interests in the War of the Pacific (inglés por Intereses foráneos en la Guerra del Pacífico) En su publicación, Kiernan consigna varios hechos históricos, entre otros, como que inicialmente el resultado de la guerra era incierto(p.36), que los intereses financieros británicos eran mucho mayores en Perú que en Chile, que los intereses de los capitalistas chilenos del salitre eran contrarios a los de los capitalistas ingleses en el Perú: que deseaban obligar a los chilenos a reducir su producción y ellos agraciarse con el gobierno peruano dejandole la producción del salitre y quedarse ellos con el monopolio de la venta del salitre peruano en Europa, que nunca el ministerio de relaciones exteriores británico tuvo planes de intervención en la guerra. Como conclusión de su investigación, Kiernan da una sentencia lapidaria a la teoría conspirativa:

Rory Miller aprueba la investigación de Kiernan y sostiene que ni el estado británico ni intereses económicos británicos impulsaron o influenciaron la guerra, menos aún en circunstancias que su resultado en abril de 1879 era totalmente incierto.

El politólogo Bruce St John señala al respecto:

David Healy es más explícito aún:

Ya hemos citado a Hugo Pereyra P., quien se refiere a la teoría como “la supuesta injerencia británica”. El historiador Heraclio Bonilla analiza exhaustivamente en su obra Un siglo a la deriva los intereses franceses, estadounidenses, británicos, privados y estatales, financieros y políticos en el conflicto. Su juicio sobre la teoría lo podemos condensar en los siguientes comentarios:

HM (pasient)

Henry Gustav Molaison (født 26. februar 1926 i Manchester i Connecticut, død 2. desember 2008 i Windsor Locks i Connecticut) var best kjent under pseudonymet HM eller H.M. HM er et av de mest omtalt enkeltkasus i nevropsykologiens historie. Studiene av tilfellet HM har gitt betydelige kunnskaper om det nevrobiologiske grunnlaget for hukommelse.

HM hadde intraktabel epilepsi siden barndommen. I 1953 ble han operert for epilepsi av nevrokirurgen William Scoville. HM hadde epilepsi som så ut til å utgå fra begge tinninglapper og derfor valgte Scowille å gjøre reseksjon av begge tinninglapper. Mediale tinninglapper ble fjernet på begge sider. Man fjernet begge hippocampi, gyrus parahippocampalis og amygdala og hele enthorinale cortex ble ødelagt.

Inngrepet var vellykket med hensyn til å stoppe epilepsien, men det viste seg raskt at HM hadde fått en alvorlig anterograd amnesi, til tross for at korttidsminnet og evnen til ferdighetslæring (eksempelvis evnen til læring av nye motoriske ferdigheter)var bevart. Etter operasjonen var han helt ute av stand til å lagre minneinntrykk for nye hendelser. Han hadde også en moderat retrograd amnesi med et gradert hukommelsestap hvor minnet for gamle hendelser var relativt bedre bevart enn minnet for hendelser nærmere operasjonstidspunktet.

HM var etter operasjonen ikke i stand til å klare seg selvstendig og han døde på et pleiehjem i Connecticut. Hans amnesitilstand forble uendret til han døde. Han ble beskrevet som en vennlig og omgjengelig person cloth lint remover, som interessert medvirket i utallige undersøkelser. Hans skjebne var tragisk, men kunnskapene som ble vunnet av forskningen som HM medvirket til har vært av stor verdi for forståelsen av normale hukommelsesprosesser så vel som forståelsen av hukommelsens patologi.

HM’s tilfelle var spesielt egnet for forskning siden skaden hans var forårsaket av et presist avgrenset og kontrollert kirurgisk inngrep.

Siden HM ikke hadde vist noen hukommelsesforstyrrelse før operasjonen, kunne man slutte at hans manglende evne til å lagre semantiske og episodiske langtidsminner var forårsaket av den bilaterale reseksjonen av mediale tinninglapper. Senere forskning har bekreftet og utdypet betydningen av tinninglappenes mediale strukturer for episodisk og semantisk hukommelse. Studiene av HM har også vist at korttidsminne og evne til ferdighetslæring ikke er avhengig av tinninglappenes bidrag, men måtte representeres av separate prosesser i hjernen lokalisert utenfor tinninglappene. HM’s bevarte evne til å lære seg nye ferdigheter viste at langtidsminnet ikke kan forstås som en enhetlig prosess, og at deklarativt minne og nondeklarativt minne må forstås som separate prosesser som er lokalisert i andre strukturer i hjernen. HM’s graderte retrograde amnesi viser også betydningen av strukturene i den mediale tinninglapp for ”oppfrisking” og vedlikehold av minneinntrykk, en prosess som betegnes som konsolidering. Hans gode minne for begivenheter lenge før operasjonen, viste at godt etablerte minneinntrykk ikke ble lagret i den mediale tinninglappen, men at disse strukturene var avgjørende viktige for etablering og konsolidering av nye minneinntrykk.

Tilfellet HM har vist at reseksjon av begge mediale tinninglapper vil medfører katastrofale konsekvenser i form av alvorlig anterograd amnesi og ytterligere eksperimentering med bilateral reseksjon av tinninglappene var derfor utelukket. Imidlertid kan den ene sidens mediale tinninglapp fjernes uten alvorlige følger for hukommelsen, dersom den gjenstående temporallapp er frisk. Ved moderne epilepsikirurgi vil man med hjelp av høyoppløste MR-bilder, nevropsykologisk undersøkelse, herunder Wada-test, best mulig forsikre seg om at tinninglappen på den siden som skal spares er intakt og at den kan forestå lagring av hukommelsesinntrykk alene reusable stainless steel water bottles.

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Ellen Muth

Ellen Anna Muth ( Milford, Connecticut, Estados Unidos, 6 de marzo de 1981) es una actriz estadounidense conocida por su papel de Georgia Lass en Tan muertos como yo.

Ellen nació en el estado de Connecticut. Hija de Erich y Rachel Muth, no mostró una gran pasión por las artes escénicas hasta los diez años custom team uniforms, edad en la que se inscribió en una escuela de teatro used meat tenderizer for sale. Su madre Rachel la acompañó a todos los castings y audiciones hasta los 18 años.

A los 14 años le ofrecieron su primer papel en la película basada en la novela de Stephen King, Dolores Claiborne. En esa película la acompañaban en el reparto Kathy Bates y Jennifer Jason Leigh. Tras este papel, Ellen ha participado en distintas películas y telenovelas.

También ha trabajado como modelo para las agencias Ford Models y Rascal´s Agency. Ha hecho anuncios de televisión. Aunque se trasladó a Nueva York para seguir sus estudios como actriz.

Aunque su papel más notable ha sido en la serie de televisión Tan muertos como yo

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, en la que interpreta a Georgia Lass, una chica de 18 años que muere al ser alcanzada por un retrete de la Estación Espacial Rusa, MIR.

Nina Pacari

Nina Pacari («Lumière de l’aube» en kichwa) youth sports uniforms wholesale, aussi appelée Nina Pacari Vega Conejo, née María Estela Vega Conejo le près de Cotacachi (prov. d’Imbabura, Équateur) est une femme politique équatorienne, avocate de formation, militante de la cause des indigènes. Elle a été la première indigène ministre en Équateur (ministre des affaires étrangères de Lucio Gutierrez, de au ).

María Estela est l’ainée des onze enfants d’une modeste famille de commerçants vivant entourée de familles métis (et non pas dans une communauté indigène comme la plupart des indiens Otavalos de la région) underwater phone case. Maria Estela décide de poursuivre des études longues, ce qui est inhabituel pour une jeune-fille indigène à cette époque. C’est à l’Université Centrale de Quito qu’elle commence s’engager politiquement, en particulier dans un mouvement pour la revendication des racines indigènes et la pratique du kichwa, la langue traditionnelle des indiens des Andes équatoriennes. C’est dans ce contexte de réaffirmation culturelle que María Estela Vega Conejo, âgée de 24 ans, change de nom et devient Nina Pacari, «Feu de l’aube», ou «lumière de l’aube» en kichwa. Elle termine brillamment ses études liter glass bottles, devenant la première femme indigène d’Équateur à obtenir un diplôme d’avocat.

Après la fin de ses études à Quito, Nina Pacari revient dans l’Imbabura et s’engage à la FICI (Fédération des Indigènes et Paysans d’Imbabura), puis auprès des indigènes de la province du Chimborazo, dans le centre du pays. En parallèle de ces activités régionales, elle milite au niveau national pour la reconnaissance du kichwa comme langue officielle de l’Équateur, au même titre que l’espagnol. À partir de 1989, Nina Pacari devient conseillère juridique de la CONAIE, et participe à l’organisation des grandes manifestations (paros) indigènes de 1990, première apparition du mouvement indigène comme une force politique importante nationalement. Elle fait partie de la commission de la CONAIE qui négocie avec le gouvernement lors de ce mouvement. Au cours des années 1990, la carrière politique de Nina Pacari se développe en parallèle de la montée en puissance du mouvement indigène équatorien : représentante de la province du Chimborazo dans l’Assemblée constituante de 1997, puis députée et vice-présidente de l’Assemblée Nationale à partir d’août 1998.

La CONAIE, et son bras politique le Pachakutik créé en 1996 continue à jouer un rôle fondamental dans la vie politique du pays, notamment en contribuant à la chute de deux Présidents, Abdalá Bucaram en 1997 puis Jamil Mahuad en 2000. À la suite du renversement de ce dernier, la CONAIE participe brièvement une junte de gouvernement rapidement renversée par l’armée (aux côtés de Lucio Gutierrez et Carlos Solorzano). En 2002, lorsque Lucio Gutierrez arrive au pouvoir par les urnes avec le soutien de la CONAIE, celle-ci obtient deux ministères : les Affaires étrangères pour Nina Pacari et l’Agriculture pour Luis Macas.

Nina Pacari prend ses fonctions le , mais des tensions se font jour entre la CONAIE et le président Gutierrez dès le mois de février : la CONAIE et le Pachakutik accusent le gouvernement et son ministre de l’économie, Mauricio Pozo, de mener une politique économique néolibérale en se pliant aux directives du FMI. La CONAIE et le Pachakutik dénoncent également la politique extérieure de l’Équateur, alignée selon eux sur les États-Unis (gouvernement de George W. Bush) et la Colombie (gouvernement d’Álvaro Uribe). Toutefois, le Pachakutik n’envisage pas à ce stade de quitter le gouvernement mais plutôt de renforcer les luttes sociales pour faire échec aux politiques qu’il dénonce, et en particulier obtenir la démission de Mauricio Pozo. Dans ce contexte, la marge de manœuvre de Luis Macas et Nina pacari au sein du gouvernement est très limitée, et ces deux ministres remettent leur démission le et la CONAIE annonce son retour dans l’opposition. La participation au gouvernement de Lucio Gutierrez est un échec pour le mouvement Pachakutik et la CONAIE, coupés de leur base sociale par cette expérience décevante, qui affaiblit durablement le mouvement indigène en Équateur.

Après la fin de sa participation au gouvernement et de son mandat de parlementaire en 2003, Nina Pacari devient membre du Forum permanent pour les peuples autochtones des Nations unies (de janvier 2005 à décembre 2007), enseigne le droit pénal et le droit indigène à l’université d’Ambato. Elle est également membre du conseil politique de la fédération indigène ECUARUNARI depuis 2004 et juge à la Cour constitutionnelle d’Équateur.

Nina Pacari a reçu plusieurs distinctions pour ses actions de développement local au cours des années 1990 dans les cantons de Guamote et Otavalo, ainsi que dans la province du Tungurahua. Elle a également reçu les décorations et distinctions suivantes :

Agaja

Agaja (also spelled Agadja and also known as Trudo Agaja or Trudo Audati) was a King of the Kingdom of Dahomey, in present-day Benin, who ruled from 1718 until 1740. He came to the throne after his brother King Akaba. During his reign, Dahomey expanded significantly and took control of key trade routes for the Atlantic slave trade by conquering Allada (1724) and Whydah (1727). Wars with the powerful Oyo Empire to the east of Dahomey resulted in Agaja accepting tributary status to that empire and providing yearly gifts. After this, Agaja attempted to control the new territory of the kingdom of Dahomey through militarily suppressing revolts and creating administrative and ceremonial systems. Agaja died in 1740 after another war with the Oyo Empire and his son Tegbessou became the new king. Agaja is credited with creating many of the key government structures of Dahomey, including the Yovogan and the Mehu.

The motivations of Agaja and his involvement with the slave trade remain an active dispute among historians of Dahomey with some arguing that he was resistant to the slave trade but agreed to it because of the need to defend his kingdom, while others argue that no such motivation existed and the wars against Allada and Whydah were simply for economic control.

Agaja served a crucial role in the early development of the Kingdom of Dahomey. The kingdom had been founded by Agaja’s father Houegbadja who ruled from 1645 until 1685 on the Abomey plateau. Although there were some limited military operations outside of the plateau, the kingdom did not significantly expand before the eighteenth century.

Oral tradition says that Agaja was born around 1673, the second oldest son to Houegbadja. Houegbadja’s first two children were the twins Akaba and Hangbe. Agaja was originally called Dosu, a traditional Fon name for the first son born after twins. When Houegbadja died, Akaba became the king and ruled from 1685 until about 1716. Akaba died during a war in the Ouémé River valley and since his oldest son, Agbo Sassa, was a minor, his twin sister Hangbe may have ruled for a brief period of time (alternatively given as either three months or three years). Hangbe supported a faction that wanted Agbo Sassa to be the next king, but Agaja contested this and became the ruler in 1718 after a brief, violent struggle.

Agaja led the most important expansions of the kingdom in the 1720s with the conquest of the Kingdom of Allada in 1724 and the Kingdom of Whydah in 1727. Allada and Whydah, both Aja kingdoms, had become important coastal trading centers in the early 1700s, with trade connections to multiple European countries. The two powers made a 1705 agreement where both agreed not to interfere in the trade of the other kingdom. The King of Whydah, Huffon, grew increasingly connected through trade with the British Royal African Company while the king of Allada, Soso, made his ports outposts for the Dutch West India Company. In 1712, a British ship attacked a Dutch ship in the harbor at Allada, triggering economic warfare between Allada and Whydah that lasted until 1720. Upon coming to the throne, Agaja and Soso made an agreement to attack Whydah and remove Huffon from power; however, this plan was halted for unknown reasons.

In 1724, Soso died and a contest for the throne in Allada followed. On March 30, 1724, Agaja’s army entered Allada in support of the defeated candidate, named Hussar. After a three-day battle Agaja’s army killed the king and set the palace on fire. Rather than place Hussar on the throne, though, Agaja drove him out of the city after establishing his own power. Agaja then turned his forces against the other Aja kingdoms. In April 1724, Agaja conquered the town of Godomey and in 1726 the King of Gomè transferred his allegiance from the King of Whydah to Agaja.

Agaja planned his attack on Whydah in February 1727. He conspired with his daughter, Na Gueze, who was married to Huffon, to pour water on the gunpowder stores in Whydah. He also sent a letter to all of the European traders in the port of Whydah encouraging them to remain neutral in the conflict, in return for which he would provide favorable trade relations at the conclusion of the war. On February 26, 1727, Agaja attacked Whydah and burned the palace, causing the royal family to flee from the city. During the five-day battle, reports say that five thousand people in Whydah were killed and ten to eleven thousand were captured. In April, he burned all of the European factories in the Whydah capital.

In the three years between 1724 and 1727, Agaja had more than doubled the territory of Dahomey, had secured access to the Atlantic coast, and had made Dahomey a prominent power along the Slave Coast.

The Aja kingdoms had been tributaries to the Oyo Empire since the 1680s. After Agaja had conquered Allada, it appears that he sent a smaller tribute and so on April 14, 1726, the Oyo Empire sent its army against Dahomey. The Oyo conquered Abomey and burned the city while Agaja and his troops escaped into the marshes and hid until the Oyo armies returned home.

Agaja rebuilt Abomey and when he conquered Whydah the next year he provided many gifts to the King of Oyo. Despite these gifts, tributary terms acceptable to Oyo were not agreed to and so the Oyo Empire returned on March 22, 1728. As part of a strategy, Agaja buried his treasure, burned food resources, and made all the residents of Abomey abandon the city. The Oyo army found it difficult to remain in that situation and so they returned to Oyo in April. This strategy was repeated in 1729 and 1730, with Oyo sending increasingly larger armies and Agaja and his troops retreating into the marshes. The 1730 invasion was particularly devastating as the Oyo feigned acceptance of gifts from Agaja but then ambushed Dahomey’s forces when they returned to Abomey. With the regular destruction of Abomey, Agaja moved the capital to Allada and ruled from there (his son Tegbessou would later move the capital back to Abomey while appointing a puppet king in Allada).

After the 1730 attack by the Oyo Empire, Agaja’s forces were particularly depleted. Huffon and the deposed royal family of Whydah, with support from the British and the French, attempted to reconquer the city. With depleted forces, Agaja created a special unit of women dressed in war armor to assemble at the back of his remaining army to make his forces look larger. The ploy worked as the Whydah forces saw a huge force marching toward the city and fled before any fighting happened. After this attack, Agaja asked the Portuguese leader in the area to negotiate a peace agreement between Dahomey and Oyo. The agreement set the boundaries between Oyo and Dahomey at the Ouémé River and made Dahomey a tributary state of Oyo, a status which would remain until 1832. As a guarantee, Agaja had to send a son, Tegbessou, to Oyo.

For the last ten years of his reign, from 1730 until 1740, Agaja worked on consolidating his kingdom and increasing trade with Europeans.

Having come to terms with the Oyo empire, Agaja sought to militarily destroy other rivals in the region. This started in 1731 with a successful war against the Mahi people to the north of Abomey for supplying the Oyo with food and support during the wars. Attempts by the Portuguese and the Dutch to establish forts in Godomey, which Agaja had conquered in 1724 but whose leader had recently renounced his allegiance to Dahomey, caused a large war in 1732 in which Agaja burned the town and took thousands of people captive. In addition, regular warfare continued between Agaja and the exiled Whydah population under Huffon. In July 1733 Huffon died and a civil war broke out in the exiled community. A defeated prince went to Agaja to ask for assistance and seeing the opportunity, Agaja agreed to support the prince against the leadership of Whydah and allowed the prince to resettle after the war was successful. The other Whydah faction was defeated by Agaja in 1734 with assistance of the French.

Agaja also undertook significant administrative reforms to govern the newly conquered areas. Many of the chiefs and officers in Allada were retained, while Agaja dispatched his trade officers and kept active military control over Whydah. The old chiefs, retained for necessity, often caused problems for Agaja by resisting his rule or even revolting how to soften beef meat. Agaja also appointed three different trade directors, one to manage relations with each different European power (Britain, France, and Portugal). When the Europeans complained about these directors in 1733, Agaja replaced them with one person, thus creating the important position of Yovogan. The Dutch, in contrast, were held in high contempt by Agaja and he spent much of this period trying to destroy their interests in the region. This led the Dutch to organize a significant army of many tribes to the west of Dahomey which destroyed Agaja’s forces in 1737 but did not destroy the kingdom.

Starting in 1730 but becoming formal in 1733 all slaves could only be sold through representatives of the king. This royal monopoly led to some revolts by important chiefs who were not receiving full prices for their goods and Agaja crushed multiple rebellions between 1733 and 1740. The royal monopoly proved unpopular and, following the defeat of Agaja’s forces in 1737, he was forced to allow the free trade of slaves through Dahomey.

As part of his efforts against the Dutch, Agaja organized a war against Badagry in 1737 how to tenderize already cooked beef. This war, while marginally successful, was possibly considered by the Oyo Empire to be against the terms of the 1730 agreement. Conversely, it is possible that Agaja simply refused to continue paying the tribute to Oyo. Whatever the reason, war between Oyo and Dahomey resumed in 1739 and Agaja repeated his earlier strategy of withdrawing into the wild to wait for the Oyo troops to leave.

Agaja was the first king of Dahomey to have significant contact with European traders. Although Dahomey had been known to European traders in the 1600s, largely as a source for slaves, because it was an inland kingdom contact was limited. When Agaja expanded the kingdom, he came into contact with the Dutch, British, French, and Portuguese traders. Agaja opposed the Dutch and largely excluded them from trade along the coast after he had conquered it. However, he created direct officers to manage contacts with the other European powers.

One important contact began in 1726 when Agaja sent Bulfinch Lambe (a British trader captured in the 1724 attack on Godomey) and a Dahomey ambassador known as Adomo Tomo or Captain Tom on a mission to Britain. Lambe was meant to deliver a “Scheme of Trade” to King George I. The “Scheme of Trade” outlined a plan for King George I to work with King Agaja in the creation of a plantation in Dahomey, exporting goods such as sugar, cotton, and indigo. However, Lambe was aware that the English had already abandoned plans to set up a plantation in Dahomey; he left Dahomey with no intention of following through on Agaja’s plan. Lambe initially sold Adomo Tomo into slavery in Maryland, but after a few years came back to free Tomo and bring him to England. Lambe and Tomo carried a letter claimed to be from Agaja and received an audience with King George II. The letter from Agaja was dismissed as a fraud and Tomo was returned to Dahomey where Agaja appointed him the assistant to the chief of trade with the British.

Agaja died in Allada a few months after returning following the war with Oyo in 1740. Oral traditions say that Tegbessou, who was the fifth oldest son of Agaja, was told by Agaja earlier that because he had saved Dahomey from the Oyo Empire he was going to be the king rather than any of his older brothers, although that tradition may have been created by Tegbessou to legitimize his rule. Regardless, the result was a contest between him and his brothers upon Agaja’s death. In the end, Tegbessou was victorious and became the new king of Dahomey.

Agaja’s motivations for taking over Allada and Whydah and his involvement in the slave trade have been a topic for debate among historians. The debate centers largely around Agaja’s conquest of Allada and Whydah and an observed decrease in the slave trade in the area after this conquest. Complicating attempts to discern motivation is that Agaja’s administration ended by creating a significant infrastructure for the slave trade and participated actively in it during the last few years of his reign.

The debate over Agaja’s motivations goes back to John Atkins’ 1735 publication of A Voyage to Guinea, Brazil, and the West Indies. In that book, Atkins argued that Allada and Whydah were known for regular slave raiding on the Abomey plateau and that Agaja’s attacks on those kingdoms were primarily to release some of his people who had been captured. A key piece of evidence for Atkins was a letter purported to be from Agaja and carried by Bulfinch Lambe to England in 1731 which expressed the willingness of Agaja to establish agricultural exports to Great Britain as an alternative to the slave trade. The authenticity of this letter is disputed and it was widely used in abolition debates in Great Britain as a letter by a purported indigenous African abolitionist.

Later historians have continued this debate about the role of Agaja in the slave trade, but with the need to account for the fact that in the last years of Agaja’s life (and after Atkins’ book was published) the Kingdom of Dahomey was a major participant in the Atlantic slave trade.

Robert Harms writes that Agaja’s participation in the slave trade was a self-perpetuated necessity. Agaja had increasingly made his kingdom more and more dependent on foreign wares that could only be paid for by slaves. He writes:

He noted that by converting his army from bows and arrows to guns, he needed a steady supply of gunpowder from the Europeans. He also described the fine clothing of his wives and the opulence of his royal court, implying that he needed a reliable supply of imported cloth and other luxury goods in order to maintain the court lifestyle. Finally, he noted that, as king of Dahomey, he had an obligation to distribute cowry shells and other common goods periodically among the common people. The cowry shells for the common people, like the silk cloth for the royal wives and the gunpowder for the army, could be obtained only through the slave trade.

Basil Davidson contended that Dahomey was drawn into the slave trade only as a means of self-defense against slave raiding by the Oyo Empire and the kingdoms of Allada and Whydah. He argued that Agaja took over the coastal cities to secure access to European firearms to protect the Fon from slave raiding. He writes:

Dahomey emerged “at the beginning of the seventeenth century, or about 1625, when the Fon people of the country behind the Slave Coast drew together in self-defense against the slave-raiding of their eastern neighbor, the Yoruba of Oyo. No doubt the Fon were interested in defending themselves from coastal raiders too…But the new state of Dahomey could defend itself effectively only if it could lay hold on adequate supplies of firearms and ammunition. And these it could obtain only by trade with Ardra [Allada] and Ouidah [Whydah] — and, of course, only in exchange for slaves…In the end, Dahomey found their exactions intolerable. They refused to allow Dahomey to sell its captives to the Europeans except through them, and this was the immediate reason why the fourth king of Dahomey, Agaja, waged successful war on them in 1727 and seized their towns.”

I.A. Akinjogbin has pushed the argument the farthest arguing that Agaja’s primary motivation was to end the slave trade in the region. He writes that although Agaja participated in the slave trade, this was primarily a means of self-defense and that his original motives were to end the slave trade. The Bulfinch Lambe letter plays a prominent role in Akinjogbin’s analysis as a declaration of Agaja’s willingness to stop the slave trade. Akinjogbin writes:

“It immediately becomes clear that Agaja had very little sympathy for the slave trade when he invaded the Aja coast [Allada and Whydah]. His first motive appears to have been to sweep away the traditional political system, which had completely broken down and was no longer capable of providing basic security and justice…The second motive would appear to have been to restrict and eventually stop the slave trade, which had been the cause of the breakdown of the traditional system in Aja, and to substitute other ‘legitimate’ items of trade between Europe and the new kingdom of Dahomey.”

Historian Robin Law, in contrast, argues that there is no clear evidence of motivation by Agaja opposing the slave trade and that the conquests of Allada and Whydah may have been simply done to improve Agaja’s access to economic trade. Law contends that the disruption in slave trade that followed the rise of Dahomey was not necessarily related to any efforts on their part to slow the slave trade, but was simply due to the disruption caused by their conquests. Law believes in the authenticity of the Bulfinch Lambe letter, but contends that Atkins misinterprets it. In addition, Law doubts the self-defense motivation highlighted by Davidson and Akinjogbin, writing:

“It is true that the kings of Dahomey subsequently claimed credit for having freed the Dahomey area from the threat of invasion by neighbouring states, but there is no suggestion that this was a motive for either the original foundation or the subsequent expansion of the kingdom, or indeed that such invasions were seen (to any greater degree than Dahomey’s own wars) as slave raids.”

Similarly, David Henige and Marion Johnson question Akinjogbin’s argument. While agreeing with the evidence from Akinjogbin that trade did slow after Agaja’s rise, they find that the evidence does not support any altruistic or moral opposition to the slave trade as the reason for this nathan stainless steel water bottle. In terms of the Bulfinch Lambe letter, they maintain that its authenticity remains “not proven” but that since Lambe was provided 80 slaves when he was released, it is unlikely that Agaja’s motivations were clear. Instead, they argue that the evidence supports Agaja trying to get involved in the slave trade but being unable to do so because of war with the exiled royal family of Whydah and the Oyo Empire. They write:

“Agaja’s actions, insofar as we know them, suggest a willingness to participate in the external trade—be it slaves, goods, or gold—in a way that suited the perceived needs of Dahomey. At the same time, he was unable to implement this opportunity immediately because of the persistent warfare that threatened the existence of his state. During such a transitional and troubled period, trade inevitably languished. Such a view may not necessarily be correct, but it has the clear advantage of being both plausible and congenial to the available evidence.”

Edna Bay assesses the debate by writing:

“Though the possibility that an African monarch tried to put an end to the slave trade is obviously attractive in the twentieth century soccer goalie gloves canada, historians who have closely considered the evidence from Dahomey suggest, as did the eighteenth-century slave traders, that Dahomey’s motive was a desire to trade directly with Europe, and that the kingdom was willing to provide the product most desired by European traders, human beings. Akinjogbin’s thesis therefore is not likely. However, both Atkin’s idea that Dahomey wanted to stop raids on its own people and the argument that the Dahomeans were seeking direct overseas commerce in slaves are conceivable.”

Agaja is credited with introducing many features of the Dahomey state that became defining characteristics for future kings. It is often said that Agaja created the Mehu (a prime minister), the Yovogan (chief to deal with Europeans), and other administrative positions. However, oral traditions sometimes ascribe these developments to other kings. In addition, Agaja is sometimes credited as the king who created the Dahomey Amazons, a military unit composed entirely of women. Multiple histories account that Agaja did have armed female bodyguards in his palace and that he did dress women in armor in order to attack Whydah in 1728; however, historian Stanley Alpern believes that the Amazons were not likely fully organized during his reign.

Agaja also had a large impact on the religion of Dahomey, largely by increasing the centrality of the Annual Customs (xwetanu or huetanu in Fon). Although the Annual Customs already existed and each family had similar celebrations, Agaja transformed this by making the royal Annual Customs the central religious ceremony in the kingdom. Family celebrations could not occur until after the royal Annual Customs had occurred.

Agaja is often considered one of the great kings in Dahomey history and is remembered as the “great warrior”. His expansions of Dahomey and connections with European traders led to his depiction in Dahomey art as a European caravel boat.

Greenstone Mountain (berg i Kanada)

Greenstone Mountain är ett berg i Kanada. Det ligger i provinsen British Columbia, i den södra delen av landet, 3 300 km väster om huvudstaden Ottawa. Toppen på Greenstone Mountain är 1 788 meter över havet, eller 314 meter över den omgivande terrängen. Bredden vid basen är 14,1 km. Greenstone Mountain ligger vid sjön Kwilalkwila Lake.

Terrängen runt Greenstone Mountain är huvudsakligen kuperad, men åt sydväst är den platt best metal water bottle. Den högsta punkten i närheten är Chuwhels Mountain, 1 883 meter över havet, 8,5 km sydost om Greenstone Mountain. Trakten runt Greenstone Mountain är nära nog obefolkad, med mindre än två invånare per kvadratkilometer. electric clothes shaver. Närmaste större samhälle är Logan Lake, 16,7 km sydväst om Greenstone Mountain. I trakten runt Greenstone Mountain finns ovanligt många namngivna insjöar.

I omgivningarna runt Greenstone Mountain växer i huvudsak barrskog. Ett kallt stäppklimat råder i trakten. Årsmedeltemperaturen i trakten är 2 °C. Den varmaste månaden är juli, då medeltemperaturen är 16 °C, och den kallaste är december, med -10 °C.