Nina Pacari

Nina Pacari («Lumière de l’aube» en kichwa) youth sports uniforms wholesale, aussi appelée Nina Pacari Vega Conejo, née María Estela Vega Conejo le près de Cotacachi (prov. d’Imbabura, Équateur) est une femme politique équatorienne, avocate de formation, militante de la cause des indigènes. Elle a été la première indigène ministre en Équateur (ministre des affaires étrangères de Lucio Gutierrez, de au ).

María Estela est l’ainée des onze enfants d’une modeste famille de commerçants vivant entourée de familles métis (et non pas dans une communauté indigène comme la plupart des indiens Otavalos de la région) underwater phone case. Maria Estela décide de poursuivre des études longues, ce qui est inhabituel pour une jeune-fille indigène à cette époque. C’est à l’Université Centrale de Quito qu’elle commence s’engager politiquement, en particulier dans un mouvement pour la revendication des racines indigènes et la pratique du kichwa, la langue traditionnelle des indiens des Andes équatoriennes. C’est dans ce contexte de réaffirmation culturelle que María Estela Vega Conejo, âgée de 24 ans, change de nom et devient Nina Pacari, «Feu de l’aube», ou «lumière de l’aube» en kichwa. Elle termine brillamment ses études liter glass bottles, devenant la première femme indigène d’Équateur à obtenir un diplôme d’avocat.

Après la fin de ses études à Quito, Nina Pacari revient dans l’Imbabura et s’engage à la FICI (Fédération des Indigènes et Paysans d’Imbabura), puis auprès des indigènes de la province du Chimborazo, dans le centre du pays. En parallèle de ces activités régionales, elle milite au niveau national pour la reconnaissance du kichwa comme langue officielle de l’Équateur, au même titre que l’espagnol. À partir de 1989, Nina Pacari devient conseillère juridique de la CONAIE, et participe à l’organisation des grandes manifestations (paros) indigènes de 1990, première apparition du mouvement indigène comme une force politique importante nationalement. Elle fait partie de la commission de la CONAIE qui négocie avec le gouvernement lors de ce mouvement. Au cours des années 1990, la carrière politique de Nina Pacari se développe en parallèle de la montée en puissance du mouvement indigène équatorien : représentante de la province du Chimborazo dans l’Assemblée constituante de 1997, puis députée et vice-présidente de l’Assemblée Nationale à partir d’août 1998.

La CONAIE, et son bras politique le Pachakutik créé en 1996 continue à jouer un rôle fondamental dans la vie politique du pays, notamment en contribuant à la chute de deux Présidents, Abdalá Bucaram en 1997 puis Jamil Mahuad en 2000. À la suite du renversement de ce dernier, la CONAIE participe brièvement une junte de gouvernement rapidement renversée par l’armée (aux côtés de Lucio Gutierrez et Carlos Solorzano). En 2002, lorsque Lucio Gutierrez arrive au pouvoir par les urnes avec le soutien de la CONAIE, celle-ci obtient deux ministères : les Affaires étrangères pour Nina Pacari et l’Agriculture pour Luis Macas.

Nina Pacari prend ses fonctions le , mais des tensions se font jour entre la CONAIE et le président Gutierrez dès le mois de février : la CONAIE et le Pachakutik accusent le gouvernement et son ministre de l’économie, Mauricio Pozo, de mener une politique économique néolibérale en se pliant aux directives du FMI. La CONAIE et le Pachakutik dénoncent également la politique extérieure de l’Équateur, alignée selon eux sur les États-Unis (gouvernement de George W. Bush) et la Colombie (gouvernement d’Álvaro Uribe). Toutefois, le Pachakutik n’envisage pas à ce stade de quitter le gouvernement mais plutôt de renforcer les luttes sociales pour faire échec aux politiques qu’il dénonce, et en particulier obtenir la démission de Mauricio Pozo. Dans ce contexte, la marge de manœuvre de Luis Macas et Nina pacari au sein du gouvernement est très limitée, et ces deux ministres remettent leur démission le et la CONAIE annonce son retour dans l’opposition. La participation au gouvernement de Lucio Gutierrez est un échec pour le mouvement Pachakutik et la CONAIE, coupés de leur base sociale par cette expérience décevante, qui affaiblit durablement le mouvement indigène en Équateur.

Après la fin de sa participation au gouvernement et de son mandat de parlementaire en 2003, Nina Pacari devient membre du Forum permanent pour les peuples autochtones des Nations unies (de janvier 2005 à décembre 2007), enseigne le droit pénal et le droit indigène à l’université d’Ambato. Elle est également membre du conseil politique de la fédération indigène ECUARUNARI depuis 2004 et juge à la Cour constitutionnelle d’Équateur.

Nina Pacari a reçu plusieurs distinctions pour ses actions de développement local au cours des années 1990 dans les cantons de Guamote et Otavalo, ainsi que dans la province du Tungurahua. Elle a également reçu les décorations et distinctions suivantes :

Agaja

Agaja (also spelled Agadja and also known as Trudo Agaja or Trudo Audati) was a King of the Kingdom of Dahomey, in present-day Benin, who ruled from 1718 until 1740. He came to the throne after his brother King Akaba. During his reign, Dahomey expanded significantly and took control of key trade routes for the Atlantic slave trade by conquering Allada (1724) and Whydah (1727). Wars with the powerful Oyo Empire to the east of Dahomey resulted in Agaja accepting tributary status to that empire and providing yearly gifts. After this, Agaja attempted to control the new territory of the kingdom of Dahomey through militarily suppressing revolts and creating administrative and ceremonial systems. Agaja died in 1740 after another war with the Oyo Empire and his son Tegbessou became the new king. Agaja is credited with creating many of the key government structures of Dahomey, including the Yovogan and the Mehu.

The motivations of Agaja and his involvement with the slave trade remain an active dispute among historians of Dahomey with some arguing that he was resistant to the slave trade but agreed to it because of the need to defend his kingdom, while others argue that no such motivation existed and the wars against Allada and Whydah were simply for economic control.

Agaja served a crucial role in the early development of the Kingdom of Dahomey. The kingdom had been founded by Agaja’s father Houegbadja who ruled from 1645 until 1685 on the Abomey plateau. Although there were some limited military operations outside of the plateau, the kingdom did not significantly expand before the eighteenth century.

Oral tradition says that Agaja was born around 1673, the second oldest son to Houegbadja. Houegbadja’s first two children were the twins Akaba and Hangbe. Agaja was originally called Dosu, a traditional Fon name for the first son born after twins. When Houegbadja died, Akaba became the king and ruled from 1685 until about 1716. Akaba died during a war in the Ouémé River valley and since his oldest son, Agbo Sassa, was a minor, his twin sister Hangbe may have ruled for a brief period of time (alternatively given as either three months or three years). Hangbe supported a faction that wanted Agbo Sassa to be the next king, but Agaja contested this and became the ruler in 1718 after a brief, violent struggle.

Agaja led the most important expansions of the kingdom in the 1720s with the conquest of the Kingdom of Allada in 1724 and the Kingdom of Whydah in 1727. Allada and Whydah, both Aja kingdoms, had become important coastal trading centers in the early 1700s, with trade connections to multiple European countries. The two powers made a 1705 agreement where both agreed not to interfere in the trade of the other kingdom. The King of Whydah, Huffon, grew increasingly connected through trade with the British Royal African Company while the king of Allada, Soso, made his ports outposts for the Dutch West India Company. In 1712, a British ship attacked a Dutch ship in the harbor at Allada, triggering economic warfare between Allada and Whydah that lasted until 1720. Upon coming to the throne, Agaja and Soso made an agreement to attack Whydah and remove Huffon from power; however, this plan was halted for unknown reasons.

In 1724, Soso died and a contest for the throne in Allada followed. On March 30, 1724, Agaja’s army entered Allada in support of the defeated candidate, named Hussar. After a three-day battle Agaja’s army killed the king and set the palace on fire. Rather than place Hussar on the throne, though, Agaja drove him out of the city after establishing his own power. Agaja then turned his forces against the other Aja kingdoms. In April 1724, Agaja conquered the town of Godomey and in 1726 the King of Gomè transferred his allegiance from the King of Whydah to Agaja.

Agaja planned his attack on Whydah in February 1727. He conspired with his daughter, Na Gueze, who was married to Huffon, to pour water on the gunpowder stores in Whydah. He also sent a letter to all of the European traders in the port of Whydah encouraging them to remain neutral in the conflict, in return for which he would provide favorable trade relations at the conclusion of the war. On February 26, 1727, Agaja attacked Whydah and burned the palace, causing the royal family to flee from the city. During the five-day battle, reports say that five thousand people in Whydah were killed and ten to eleven thousand were captured. In April, he burned all of the European factories in the Whydah capital.

In the three years between 1724 and 1727, Agaja had more than doubled the territory of Dahomey, had secured access to the Atlantic coast, and had made Dahomey a prominent power along the Slave Coast.

The Aja kingdoms had been tributaries to the Oyo Empire since the 1680s. After Agaja had conquered Allada, it appears that he sent a smaller tribute and so on April 14, 1726, the Oyo Empire sent its army against Dahomey. The Oyo conquered Abomey and burned the city while Agaja and his troops escaped into the marshes and hid until the Oyo armies returned home.

Agaja rebuilt Abomey and when he conquered Whydah the next year he provided many gifts to the King of Oyo. Despite these gifts, tributary terms acceptable to Oyo were not agreed to and so the Oyo Empire returned on March 22, 1728. As part of a strategy, Agaja buried his treasure, burned food resources, and made all the residents of Abomey abandon the city. The Oyo army found it difficult to remain in that situation and so they returned to Oyo in April. This strategy was repeated in 1729 and 1730, with Oyo sending increasingly larger armies and Agaja and his troops retreating into the marshes. The 1730 invasion was particularly devastating as the Oyo feigned acceptance of gifts from Agaja but then ambushed Dahomey’s forces when they returned to Abomey. With the regular destruction of Abomey, Agaja moved the capital to Allada and ruled from there (his son Tegbessou would later move the capital back to Abomey while appointing a puppet king in Allada).

After the 1730 attack by the Oyo Empire, Agaja’s forces were particularly depleted. Huffon and the deposed royal family of Whydah, with support from the British and the French, attempted to reconquer the city. With depleted forces, Agaja created a special unit of women dressed in war armor to assemble at the back of his remaining army to make his forces look larger. The ploy worked as the Whydah forces saw a huge force marching toward the city and fled before any fighting happened. After this attack, Agaja asked the Portuguese leader in the area to negotiate a peace agreement between Dahomey and Oyo. The agreement set the boundaries between Oyo and Dahomey at the Ouémé River and made Dahomey a tributary state of Oyo, a status which would remain until 1832. As a guarantee, Agaja had to send a son, Tegbessou, to Oyo.

For the last ten years of his reign, from 1730 until 1740, Agaja worked on consolidating his kingdom and increasing trade with Europeans.

Having come to terms with the Oyo empire, Agaja sought to militarily destroy other rivals in the region. This started in 1731 with a successful war against the Mahi people to the north of Abomey for supplying the Oyo with food and support during the wars. Attempts by the Portuguese and the Dutch to establish forts in Godomey, which Agaja had conquered in 1724 but whose leader had recently renounced his allegiance to Dahomey, caused a large war in 1732 in which Agaja burned the town and took thousands of people captive. In addition, regular warfare continued between Agaja and the exiled Whydah population under Huffon. In July 1733 Huffon died and a civil war broke out in the exiled community. A defeated prince went to Agaja to ask for assistance and seeing the opportunity, Agaja agreed to support the prince against the leadership of Whydah and allowed the prince to resettle after the war was successful. The other Whydah faction was defeated by Agaja in 1734 with assistance of the French.

Agaja also undertook significant administrative reforms to govern the newly conquered areas. Many of the chiefs and officers in Allada were retained, while Agaja dispatched his trade officers and kept active military control over Whydah. The old chiefs, retained for necessity, often caused problems for Agaja by resisting his rule or even revolting how to soften beef meat. Agaja also appointed three different trade directors, one to manage relations with each different European power (Britain, France, and Portugal). When the Europeans complained about these directors in 1733, Agaja replaced them with one person, thus creating the important position of Yovogan. The Dutch, in contrast, were held in high contempt by Agaja and he spent much of this period trying to destroy their interests in the region. This led the Dutch to organize a significant army of many tribes to the west of Dahomey which destroyed Agaja’s forces in 1737 but did not destroy the kingdom.

Starting in 1730 but becoming formal in 1733 all slaves could only be sold through representatives of the king. This royal monopoly led to some revolts by important chiefs who were not receiving full prices for their goods and Agaja crushed multiple rebellions between 1733 and 1740. The royal monopoly proved unpopular and, following the defeat of Agaja’s forces in 1737, he was forced to allow the free trade of slaves through Dahomey.

As part of his efforts against the Dutch, Agaja organized a war against Badagry in 1737 how to tenderize already cooked beef. This war, while marginally successful, was possibly considered by the Oyo Empire to be against the terms of the 1730 agreement. Conversely, it is possible that Agaja simply refused to continue paying the tribute to Oyo. Whatever the reason, war between Oyo and Dahomey resumed in 1739 and Agaja repeated his earlier strategy of withdrawing into the wild to wait for the Oyo troops to leave.

Agaja was the first king of Dahomey to have significant contact with European traders. Although Dahomey had been known to European traders in the 1600s, largely as a source for slaves, because it was an inland kingdom contact was limited. When Agaja expanded the kingdom, he came into contact with the Dutch, British, French, and Portuguese traders. Agaja opposed the Dutch and largely excluded them from trade along the coast after he had conquered it. However, he created direct officers to manage contacts with the other European powers.

One important contact began in 1726 when Agaja sent Bulfinch Lambe (a British trader captured in the 1724 attack on Godomey) and a Dahomey ambassador known as Adomo Tomo or Captain Tom on a mission to Britain. Lambe was meant to deliver a “Scheme of Trade” to King George I. The “Scheme of Trade” outlined a plan for King George I to work with King Agaja in the creation of a plantation in Dahomey, exporting goods such as sugar, cotton, and indigo. However, Lambe was aware that the English had already abandoned plans to set up a plantation in Dahomey; he left Dahomey with no intention of following through on Agaja’s plan. Lambe initially sold Adomo Tomo into slavery in Maryland, but after a few years came back to free Tomo and bring him to England. Lambe and Tomo carried a letter claimed to be from Agaja and received an audience with King George II. The letter from Agaja was dismissed as a fraud and Tomo was returned to Dahomey where Agaja appointed him the assistant to the chief of trade with the British.

Agaja died in Allada a few months after returning following the war with Oyo in 1740. Oral traditions say that Tegbessou, who was the fifth oldest son of Agaja, was told by Agaja earlier that because he had saved Dahomey from the Oyo Empire he was going to be the king rather than any of his older brothers, although that tradition may have been created by Tegbessou to legitimize his rule. Regardless, the result was a contest between him and his brothers upon Agaja’s death. In the end, Tegbessou was victorious and became the new king of Dahomey.

Agaja’s motivations for taking over Allada and Whydah and his involvement in the slave trade have been a topic for debate among historians. The debate centers largely around Agaja’s conquest of Allada and Whydah and an observed decrease in the slave trade in the area after this conquest. Complicating attempts to discern motivation is that Agaja’s administration ended by creating a significant infrastructure for the slave trade and participated actively in it during the last few years of his reign.

The debate over Agaja’s motivations goes back to John Atkins’ 1735 publication of A Voyage to Guinea, Brazil, and the West Indies. In that book, Atkins argued that Allada and Whydah were known for regular slave raiding on the Abomey plateau and that Agaja’s attacks on those kingdoms were primarily to release some of his people who had been captured. A key piece of evidence for Atkins was a letter purported to be from Agaja and carried by Bulfinch Lambe to England in 1731 which expressed the willingness of Agaja to establish agricultural exports to Great Britain as an alternative to the slave trade. The authenticity of this letter is disputed and it was widely used in abolition debates in Great Britain as a letter by a purported indigenous African abolitionist.

Later historians have continued this debate about the role of Agaja in the slave trade, but with the need to account for the fact that in the last years of Agaja’s life (and after Atkins’ book was published) the Kingdom of Dahomey was a major participant in the Atlantic slave trade.

Robert Harms writes that Agaja’s participation in the slave trade was a self-perpetuated necessity. Agaja had increasingly made his kingdom more and more dependent on foreign wares that could only be paid for by slaves. He writes:

He noted that by converting his army from bows and arrows to guns, he needed a steady supply of gunpowder from the Europeans. He also described the fine clothing of his wives and the opulence of his royal court, implying that he needed a reliable supply of imported cloth and other luxury goods in order to maintain the court lifestyle. Finally, he noted that, as king of Dahomey, he had an obligation to distribute cowry shells and other common goods periodically among the common people. The cowry shells for the common people, like the silk cloth for the royal wives and the gunpowder for the army, could be obtained only through the slave trade.

Basil Davidson contended that Dahomey was drawn into the slave trade only as a means of self-defense against slave raiding by the Oyo Empire and the kingdoms of Allada and Whydah. He argued that Agaja took over the coastal cities to secure access to European firearms to protect the Fon from slave raiding. He writes:

Dahomey emerged “at the beginning of the seventeenth century, or about 1625, when the Fon people of the country behind the Slave Coast drew together in self-defense against the slave-raiding of their eastern neighbor, the Yoruba of Oyo. No doubt the Fon were interested in defending themselves from coastal raiders too…But the new state of Dahomey could defend itself effectively only if it could lay hold on adequate supplies of firearms and ammunition. And these it could obtain only by trade with Ardra [Allada] and Ouidah [Whydah] — and, of course, only in exchange for slaves…In the end, Dahomey found their exactions intolerable. They refused to allow Dahomey to sell its captives to the Europeans except through them, and this was the immediate reason why the fourth king of Dahomey, Agaja, waged successful war on them in 1727 and seized their towns.”

I.A. Akinjogbin has pushed the argument the farthest arguing that Agaja’s primary motivation was to end the slave trade in the region. He writes that although Agaja participated in the slave trade, this was primarily a means of self-defense and that his original motives were to end the slave trade. The Bulfinch Lambe letter plays a prominent role in Akinjogbin’s analysis as a declaration of Agaja’s willingness to stop the slave trade. Akinjogbin writes:

“It immediately becomes clear that Agaja had very little sympathy for the slave trade when he invaded the Aja coast [Allada and Whydah]. His first motive appears to have been to sweep away the traditional political system, which had completely broken down and was no longer capable of providing basic security and justice…The second motive would appear to have been to restrict and eventually stop the slave trade, which had been the cause of the breakdown of the traditional system in Aja, and to substitute other ‘legitimate’ items of trade between Europe and the new kingdom of Dahomey.”

Historian Robin Law, in contrast, argues that there is no clear evidence of motivation by Agaja opposing the slave trade and that the conquests of Allada and Whydah may have been simply done to improve Agaja’s access to economic trade. Law contends that the disruption in slave trade that followed the rise of Dahomey was not necessarily related to any efforts on their part to slow the slave trade, but was simply due to the disruption caused by their conquests. Law believes in the authenticity of the Bulfinch Lambe letter, but contends that Atkins misinterprets it. In addition, Law doubts the self-defense motivation highlighted by Davidson and Akinjogbin, writing:

“It is true that the kings of Dahomey subsequently claimed credit for having freed the Dahomey area from the threat of invasion by neighbouring states, but there is no suggestion that this was a motive for either the original foundation or the subsequent expansion of the kingdom, or indeed that such invasions were seen (to any greater degree than Dahomey’s own wars) as slave raids.”

Similarly, David Henige and Marion Johnson question Akinjogbin’s argument. While agreeing with the evidence from Akinjogbin that trade did slow after Agaja’s rise, they find that the evidence does not support any altruistic or moral opposition to the slave trade as the reason for this nathan stainless steel water bottle. In terms of the Bulfinch Lambe letter, they maintain that its authenticity remains “not proven” but that since Lambe was provided 80 slaves when he was released, it is unlikely that Agaja’s motivations were clear. Instead, they argue that the evidence supports Agaja trying to get involved in the slave trade but being unable to do so because of war with the exiled royal family of Whydah and the Oyo Empire. They write:

“Agaja’s actions, insofar as we know them, suggest a willingness to participate in the external trade—be it slaves, goods, or gold—in a way that suited the perceived needs of Dahomey. At the same time, he was unable to implement this opportunity immediately because of the persistent warfare that threatened the existence of his state. During such a transitional and troubled period, trade inevitably languished. Such a view may not necessarily be correct, but it has the clear advantage of being both plausible and congenial to the available evidence.”

Edna Bay assesses the debate by writing:

“Though the possibility that an African monarch tried to put an end to the slave trade is obviously attractive in the twentieth century soccer goalie gloves canada, historians who have closely considered the evidence from Dahomey suggest, as did the eighteenth-century slave traders, that Dahomey’s motive was a desire to trade directly with Europe, and that the kingdom was willing to provide the product most desired by European traders, human beings. Akinjogbin’s thesis therefore is not likely. However, both Atkin’s idea that Dahomey wanted to stop raids on its own people and the argument that the Dahomeans were seeking direct overseas commerce in slaves are conceivable.”

Agaja is credited with introducing many features of the Dahomey state that became defining characteristics for future kings. It is often said that Agaja created the Mehu (a prime minister), the Yovogan (chief to deal with Europeans), and other administrative positions. However, oral traditions sometimes ascribe these developments to other kings. In addition, Agaja is sometimes credited as the king who created the Dahomey Amazons, a military unit composed entirely of women. Multiple histories account that Agaja did have armed female bodyguards in his palace and that he did dress women in armor in order to attack Whydah in 1728; however, historian Stanley Alpern believes that the Amazons were not likely fully organized during his reign.

Agaja also had a large impact on the religion of Dahomey, largely by increasing the centrality of the Annual Customs (xwetanu or huetanu in Fon). Although the Annual Customs already existed and each family had similar celebrations, Agaja transformed this by making the royal Annual Customs the central religious ceremony in the kingdom. Family celebrations could not occur until after the royal Annual Customs had occurred.

Agaja is often considered one of the great kings in Dahomey history and is remembered as the “great warrior”. His expansions of Dahomey and connections with European traders led to his depiction in Dahomey art as a European caravel boat.

Greenstone Mountain (berg i Kanada)

Greenstone Mountain är ett berg i Kanada. Det ligger i provinsen British Columbia, i den södra delen av landet, 3 300 km väster om huvudstaden Ottawa. Toppen på Greenstone Mountain är 1 788 meter över havet, eller 314 meter över den omgivande terrängen. Bredden vid basen är 14,1 km. Greenstone Mountain ligger vid sjön Kwilalkwila Lake.

Terrängen runt Greenstone Mountain är huvudsakligen kuperad, men åt sydväst är den platt best metal water bottle. Den högsta punkten i närheten är Chuwhels Mountain, 1 883 meter över havet, 8,5 km sydost om Greenstone Mountain. Trakten runt Greenstone Mountain är nära nog obefolkad, med mindre än två invånare per kvadratkilometer. electric clothes shaver. Närmaste större samhälle är Logan Lake, 16,7 km sydväst om Greenstone Mountain. I trakten runt Greenstone Mountain finns ovanligt många namngivna insjöar.

I omgivningarna runt Greenstone Mountain växer i huvudsak barrskog. Ett kallt stäppklimat råder i trakten. Årsmedeltemperaturen i trakten är 2 °C. Den varmaste månaden är juli, då medeltemperaturen är 16 °C, och den kallaste är december, med -10 °C.

Pramipexol

Pramipexol (CAS-nummer 104632-26-0) is de generieke (INN, International Nonproprietary Name) naam van een 2-aminobenzothiazoolderivaat, gebruikt bij de behandeling van de ziekte van Parkinson. Het is de werkzame stof in de geneesmiddelen Mirapexin® (in België) en Sifrol® (in Nederland) van Boehringer Ingelheim, dat voor het eerst in 1997 werd toegelaten. In 2006 werd pramipexol door het Europees Geneesmiddelenbureau ook toegelaten voor de behandeling van idiopathische rustelozebenensyndroom.

Pramipexol wordt alleen of in combinatie met levodopa gebruikt. Pramipexol is een dopamine-agonist football shirt customizer, die met hoge selectiviteit en specificiteit aan dopamine D2 subfamilie-receptoren bindt en een preferentiële affiniteit voor de D3 receptor heeft. Pramipexol vermindert de motorische stoornissen bij parkinsonpatiënten, en de stof zou ook gunstige effecten hebben op de depressieve en motivationele symptomen van de ziekte. De werking bij de behandeling van het rustelozebenensyndroom is niet bekend.

Mirapexin is enkel op voorschrift verkrijgbaar in tabletten met 0,088 mg, 0,18 mg, 0,35 mg, 0 insulated water bottle stainless steel,7 mg of 1,1 mg van de werkzame stof pramipexol. De tabletten worden 3 x per dag genomen; de dosis wordt stapsgewijs na telkens 5 à 7 dagen verhoogd. Sifrol is verkrijgbaar in tabletten van 0,125 mg en 1 mg, maar de laatste worden niet altijd vergoed door de verzekering.

De meest voorkomende bijwerkingen bij de behandeling van de ziekte van Parkinson zijn maagdarmstelselaandoeningen, onwillekeurige bewegingen (dyskinesie) en psychische stoornissen hallucinaties en slaapstoornissen. Deze bijwerkingen worden ook gezien bij andere dopamine-agonisten. Andere mogelijke bijwerkingen zijn orthostatische hypotensie, duizeligheid, hoofdpijn en vermoeidheid , perifeer oedeem in de onderste ledematen. Pramipexol heeft vermoedelijk een toxisch effect op de ogen, zodat controle van de ogen aanbevolen wordt glass water bottle for table. Gedragsveranderingen (bv. pathologisch gokken, veranderingen in het libido, eetaanvallen) kunnen voorkomen. (Pramipexol is geen afgeleide van ergotamine, en heeft dus niet de daaraan verbonden bijwerkingen aan hartkleppen.)

Bij de behandeling van het rustelozebenensyndroom zijn de meest voorkomende bijwerkingen misselijkheid, vermoeidheid en hoofdpijn.

Het gelijktijdig gebruik van pramipexol met antipsychotica moet vermeden worden.

Zie de productkenmerken van de stof voor meer informatie over mogelijke bijwerkingen, interacties enz.

L’urlo della maschera maledetta

L’urlo della maschera maledetta è il quarto libro della saga Horrorland, di Piccoli Brividi, scritta da R.L. Stine.

Carly Beth si sveglia una sera sentendo il richiamo della maschera che un anno prima le ha fatto vivere l’incubo più terrificante della sua vita. Carly Beth scopre che la maschera non è stata sconfitta e non ci riuscirà facilmente.

Nel frattempo Carly Beth scopre che la sua maschera prima era appartenuta a un ragazzo morto in una stalla abbandonata vicino alla fattoria Tumbledown, luogo in cui lavora come baby-sitter con la sua amica Sabrina e una ragazza di nome Laura. Un giorno decide di visitare la fattoria e all’interno vi trova un ragazzo di nome Clark che le dice di abitare in quella stalla. Carly Beth scappa, e tornando a casa vede il negozio dove l’anno prima ha comprato la maschera maledetta; dentro vi riconosce anche lo stesso commerciante. Entrando gli chiede come liberarsi dalla maschera, lui le rivela che una volta comprata non può più liberarsene, aggiunge inoltre che c’è qualcun altro che vuole quella maschera, qualcuno che lei conosce.

Carly Beth: protagonista del libro e anche di un’altra avventura dei piccoli brividi “la maschera maledetta”. Carly Beth è la proprietaria della maschera softball team uniforms, spaventata dai ricordi dello scorso halloween decide di liberarsene

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Sabrina: migliore amica di Carly Beth, anche lei comparsa in “la maschera maledetta” aiuta Carly Beth a liberarsi della maschera, ma con scarso successo.

Laura: conoscente di Sabrina e Carly Beth, Laura è molto timida e riservata, nessuno conosce la sua vita, né da dove viene, né dove vive. Lavora alla fattoria Tumbledown insieme a Carly Beth e Sabrina.

Maschera Maledetta: maschera malefica protagonista di “la maschera maledetta”; una volta indossata non si riesce più a toglierla a meno che non si faccia un gesto d’amore. La maschera, quando indossata, fa diventare cattive le persone e si impadronisce del loro cervello.

Clark: misterioso ragazzo che abita vicino alla stalla abbandonata.

Lorna Bennett

Lorna Bennett (born 7 June 1952 in Newton, Saint Elizabeth Parish, Jamaica) is a reggae singer who twice topped the Jamaican singles chart in the early 1970s, and who is best remembered for her reggae version of “Breakfast in Bed”.

Born in St. Elizabeth, Bennett went to school in Kingston and while still at school began singing with the Bare Essential Band, who performed at the Excelsior nightclub. At one of these performances she was noticed by Geoffrey Chung of the Now Generation band, who nurtured her early recording career. A recording of “Morning Has Broken” was not commercially successful, but led to producer Harry Johnson commissioning Chung to record Bennett’s version of Dusty Springfield’s “Breakfast in Bed” in 1972, given a reggae arrangement by Chung, which was a success both locally and in the United Kingdom and the United States. The b-side featured a deejay version of the track by Scotty. Bennett became the first female artist to top the singles chart in Jamaica for five years, a feat repeated with the follow-up, a cover of The Dixie Cups’ “Chapel of Love”. Further recordings followed electric clothing shaver, while Bennett at the same time studied Law at university, these forming her debut album, This is Lorna. Bennett put her music career on hold while she moved to Barbados to complete her degree, but on her return in 1974 recorded the Pluto Shervington song “Dancing to my Own Heartbeat”. She then gave up her musical career, and moved back to St. Elizabeth and opened a legal practice.

In 2001

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, she decided to return to music, and performed at Christmas Vintage shows and the Heineken Startime concerts, as well as performances in Miami and Great Britain. She then began working on new material with Sly & Robbie. In 2003, Bennett delivered a eulogy at the funeral of David “Scotty” Scott, the deejay with whom she had shared her first number one single.

HD 125612 b

HD 125612 b est une exoplanète en orbite autour de l’étoile HD 125612, une naine jaune très semblable au Soleil mais sensiblement plus jeune (peut-être 2,1 milliards d’années) et à métallicité 75 % plus élevée ([Fe/H] = 0.24 ± 0.03) située à environ 172 années-lumière (53 pc) du Système solaire, dans la constellation de la Vierge. Un système planétaire à trois corps a été détectée par la méthode des vitesses radiales autour de cette étoile :

HD 125612 b boucle, en un peu plus d’un an et demi best insulated stainless steel water bottle, une orbite très excentrique de demi-grand axe 1,37 UA

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. Avec une masse minimum d’environ 3,0 masses joviennes, il s’agit très certainement d’une géante gazeuse dépourvue de surface solide.

Jean-Pierre Rassam

Jean-Pierre Rassam est un producteur de cinéma français d’origine libanaise, né le à Beyrouth (Liban) et mort le (à 43 ans) à Paris. Il fait partie des grands producteurs aventuriers de la création comme Raoul Lévy, Paulo Branco ou Gérard Lebovici. Jean-Jacques Schuhl a tracé son portrait sous un masque de fiction dans son roman Ingrid Caven.

Chrétien libanais d’origine, ce fils de diplomate issu de la grande bourgeoisie libanaise arrive en France à l’âge de 8 ans. Il est étudiant à Sciences-Po Paris au début des années 1960, avant de se lancer dans la production de film. Il se choisit un exemple et un mentor, Barbet Schroeder, qui vient de fonder en 1964 avec Éric Rohmer, la société des Films du Losange. Barbet Schroeder témoigne de cette époque :

Il s’ensuit dix ans de succès en tant que producteur. Il travaille avec Jean-Luc Godard, produit Tout va bien, Numéro deux, Ici et ailleurs et Comment ça va?, tous les films de son ami Jean Yanne (Tout le monde il est beau, tout le monde il est gentil, Moi y’en a vouloir des sous, Les Chinois à Paris), Marco Ferreri (La Grande Bouffe, Touche pas à la femme blanche !), Robert Bresson ( Lancelot du Lac ) et Roman Polanski (Tess).

Au sommet de sa gloire, en 1974, il veut racheter la société Gaumont, mais la transaction n’aboutit pas. À la suite de cet échec, il devient dépressif, et dépendant aux drogues et à l’alcool. Il revient en 1984 comme producteur exécutif du film Le Bon Roi Dagobert de Dino Risi avec Coluche, Michel Serrault customize your own football uniform, Ugo Tognazzi et sa compagne Carole Bouquet. En 1985, épuisé, il se suicide en avalant des médicaments et des somnifères. L’autopsie conclut à un empoisonnement au Binoctal.

Il est inhumé au cimetière de Montfort-l’Amaury dans une sépulture où viendront le rejoindre sa sœur Anne-Marie, ancienne épouse de Claude Berri, né Langmann, et leur fils goalkeeper soccer gloves, Julien Rassam (né Langmann).

Il a vécu dans une suite du Plaza Athénée durant de nombreuses années. Il a été le compagnon de l’actrice Carole Bouquet et le père de leur fils, Dimitri Rassam, désormais producteur de films. Beau-frère du cinéaste et producteur Claude Berri et frère du producteur Paul Rassam, il était l’oncle de Thomas Langmann et Julien Rassam.

Lors du procès des écoutes téléphoniques de l’Élysée, qui s’est tenu en janvier 2005:

L’écrivain Jean-Jacques Schuhl évoque Jean-Pierre Rassam à travers la figure de Mazar dans ses romans Ingrid Caven et Entrée des fantômes.

Jean Ruzé d’Effiat

Jean Coiffier de Ruzé d’Effiat, né en 1622 et mort le au château de l’Arsenal, est un religieux français, quarante-troisième abbé du Mont Saint-Michel, de 1641 à 1643 il est également commendataire de Saint-Sernin de Toulouse de 1640 à sa mort.

La disgrâce du duc de Lorraine, précédent abbé, et la discussion armée dont elle fut suivie, atteignit de son contrecoup la tranquillité du couvent du Mont Saint-Michel. Cinq-Mars, alors favori du roi Louis XIII goalie uniforms for soccer, obtint, par son influence sur l’esprit du roi, la commande de ce monastère pour son frère Jean, prieur de Longjumeau, de Saint-Saturnin-de-Toulouse, et des Trois-Fontaines.

L’espérance d’une réconciliation entre l’ancien titulaire et son souverain, détermina le pape à retarder la préconisation de ce nouvel abbé. D’Effiat ne se saisit pas moins de l’administration du temporel de la communauté. Sans attendre les bulles du pape, il fit publier à son de trompe, dans les localités voisines, la location de l’abbaye du Mont Saint-Michel, compris la baronnie d’Ardevon waterproof case for 4s. Le sieur Roussel, docteur en médecine, s’en porta fermier.

Ces faits provoquèrent d’ardentes protestations de la part du monastère. Les religieux réclamèrent, d’abord inutilement, que les dépenses qu’ils avaient faites pour l’amélioration et le développement de la baronnie d’Ardevon, et dont le chiffre s’élevait à 15 000 livres, leur fussent au moins restituées.

Plusieurs contestations judiciaires éclatèrent alors entre les moines et leur abbé, ou ses agents. La disgrâce de Cinq-Mars, dans laquelle se trouvèrent enveloppés ceux qu’il avait élevés par son crédit, en hâta le terme et en détermina l’issue toothpaste dispenser. Ruzé d’Effiat, révoqué de cette abbaye, dont il n’avait pas même reçu l’investiture pontificale, se retira dans l’un des monastères dont il était précédemment investi.

Roussel fut contraint de renoncer à ses jouissances ; le sieur François Robert de Hemye, intendant de l’abbé, ne put même conjurer sa révocation par le zèle qu’il mit à poursuivre l’exécution des réparations aux bâtiments monastiques, ordonnées par arrêt de justice. La somme de 14 000 livres, qui lui fut accordée le , sur requête, pour la continuation des deux piliers de la tour du côté de l’autel, et d’un autre pilier de la Grande-Salle, travaux auxquels il avait déjà consacré 4 000 livres, fut employée par le sieur de Saint-Gilles, qui lui fut donné pour successeur.

Commonwealth Railways C class

The Commonwealth Railways C class was a class of 4-6-0 passenger locomotives built in 1938 by Walkers Limited, Maryborough, for the Commonwealth Railways, Australia.

Following the extension of Commonwealth Railways’ standard gauge line from Port Augusta to Port Pirie in 1937 and football socks, and with increasing loads being hauled on the Trans-Australian Railway, an order was placed with Walkers Limited, Maryborough for eight 4-6-0 passenger locomotives to the same design as the New South Wales Government Railways’ C36 class Pentagram Necklace, but with higher capacity tenders.

All were delivered between January and April 1938. The new locomotives were able to shave 10 hours off the journey time of the Trans Australian. Four were converted to burn oil during the 1949 coal strike

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, being converted back to coal burning after the strike ended.

With the arrival of the GM class diesels, the first was withdrawn in January 1952 and by early 1953 only two remained. The last was withdrawn in September 1957. The locomotives were scrapped, but the tenders were converted into water carriers for use on the Commonwealth Railways weed killer train, still being in use in the early 1980s.

Media related to Commonwealth Railways C class locomotives at Wikimedia Commons